China/India - PLAAF Against India - Attrition Through Tibet?
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An in-depth analysis of Chinese Airpower in Tibet and what we need to counter this growing threat. There are a total of 14 airfields of concern. However increasing air refuelling capability in future will increase their numbers. PLAAF can deploy around 16 squadrons in these airfields. Lt Gen Liu Yazhou, considered Douhet of China, said PLAAF’S first task is to gain command of air fighting in a local war under high tech conditions. Out of 1,600 plus combat aircraft with China, around 400 aircraft are 4th generation. H-6 will carry air launched cruise missile of 1,400 km plus range. In Tibet area its airfields lie within 300 to 1,000 km from IAF bases. Most of the airfields are at high elevation. The high altitude of TAR will reduce bomb load to around one third that of sea level. But today’s PGMs have reduced the required bomb load for target destruction significantly. Air refuelling and high performance of Su-27, Su-30 and J-10 will offset altitude disadvantage to quite an extent. Its old bombers carrying long range cruise missile will be still effective.
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This article examines what role the PLAAF
is likely to play in the unfortunate event of
another Sino-Indian conflict. Both China
and India are continental size nations. This
geographical realty, the past non-aggressive
history of both and the contemporary views
on wars to occupy other’s territory rule out
war for territorial conquest. This rules out
the possibility of a total unlimited war, so
characteristic of WW I and WW II.
The terrain adjoining border areas in Tibet
Autonomous Region (TAR) is at an average
elevation of about 14-15,000 feet above mean
sea level. It is a cold desert devoid of major
habitation and any industries. It is not a target
rich area for air strikes. The road–rail network
is far more extensive in Tibet compared to
Indian side. Generally Chinese military posts
look down at Indian posts located at lower
altitudes. The Indian side is marked by steep
climb towards the border and prone to frequent
landslides. The logistics build-up and / or
troop’s relocation from one area to another is
highly time consuming and seasonal due to
climatic compulsions. The border is 4,000 km
plus. Nepal and Bhutan situated as buffer
states over nearly 1,500 km border results in
problem in surveillance and detection should
Chinese decide to invade from these areas as
attack avenues.
High altitude acclimatisation, a necessity
for both sides, is easier for Chinese. Because
the TAR itself is on high plateau. On Indian
side post acclimatisation, troops are restricted
to that area only. Movement to another area
entails coming down, moving laterally and climbing up again. It is a cycle of acclimatise,
de-acclimatise and again acclimatise. It is a slow
process requiring weeks. This severely restricts
freedom to move troops quickly from one area
to another. Napoleonic movements are out of
question. This means that in order to defend
everywhere we need dedicated troops in each
area. To attempt this on a border extending
over 4,000 kms will need phenomenal number
of troops - a near impossibility.
Control of the air is the fundamental
requirement to defeat Chinese
misadventure. In addition the AWACS
cover in TAR will provide immense safety
to our strike aircraft from PLAAF fighters,
keeping attrition within acceptable limit.
If we do not keep attrition under control
then again we would lose the war
The targets on Chinese side, destruction of
which could cause pain, are located far away
from the border. The heartland of China,
east and South-east China starts at an average
distance of 1,000-1,500 km from our airfields.
The heartland is around 2,500-3,000 km. They
are far too distant for air power to destroy as it
exists today in the IAF.
Conventional warfare requires 3:1 numerical
superiority for the attacker in plains. Highly
contested, obstacle ridden plains require a
ratio of around 5:1. In mountains this ratio
shoots up to 10:1. If required China can bring
in 30 divisions in TAR. They can relocate
much faster at places of attack. If India decides
to go on an offensive imagine the forces
required?
Appreciating the compulsion of
topographical disadvantage, the then
Army Commander in 1960, Lt Gen
Thorat had suggested his strategy.
His pragmatic plan proposed
purposeful escalation of war
wherein Chinese would advance
down the mountains in to Assam
plains. These plains would then
be used as killing grounds by
our forces after interdicting
Chinese supply.
Likely war objectives
The border dispute can be used
as an excuse to start a war as the
strategic competition between China
and India hots up in the future.
Should this happen what are likely
to be the war objectives? China’s aim
would be to put India in a secondary
status. A military defeat along with
economic and industrial disruption
would be the obvious aim. Large scale
territorial occupation most unlikely.
To make military defeat convincing
cutting off North-east India at
Chumbi Valley-Silliguri corridor
would be ideal. North-east India
could be restored to India after
imposing humiliating terms in
Ladakh region. In worst case China
may not revert Arunachal.
India’s objective would be to
defend its territory and to defeat
China’s aggression. Command of
air would be sought by both sides
fiercely to ensure freedom for ground
forces movement. Both sides would
avoid major escalation of war due to
nuclear backdrop. But here Chinese
nuclear superiority would tilt balance
and flexibility in their side. If India
was to adopt Mao’s strategy of 50s,
then she can avoid nuclear blackmail.
In a speech at Moscow in 1957, Mao
stated that China was willing to lose
half its population to atomic attacks
i.e. 300 million Chinese. It’s no great
loss as China can again produce new citizens. But it will not succumb to Atomic Paper Tigers. In more recent times starting from Deng Xiaoping himself and
later by Lt Gen Liu Yazhou, considered Douhet of China, PLAAF’S first task is to gain command of air fighting in a
local war under high-tech conditions.
Last Updated (Wednesday, 13 June 2012 08:05)
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